Phoenician Society: Seafaring and Maritime Knowledge

Phoenician Society sea out-of-the-way(prenominal)ing and naval KnowledgeDiscuss the role of ocean furthering and ocean knowledge within Phoenician society and its expansion. cosmosAs a people the Phoenicians endured for some three thousand familys and were already flourishing by 3,000 B.C. but it was not until about 1100 B.C., with the demise of the existing dominant peoples in the atomic number 18a, that the Phoenicians came to the fore as a significant force. From this time, until around 600 B.C., they dominated the Mediterranean by trading and establishing colonies one of the most important creative activity Carthage. The success of their culture seems mainly to collapse been due to the proximity of the Mediterranean that encouraged dependence on seagoing and traffic. Indeed, as Holst1 indicates, international trade formed part of the guiding principles on which the Phoenician polish was founded that also included a commitment to resilient partner beams, peaceful make tlement of disputes, equality, privacy, religious freedom and compliments of women. Although the majority of Phoenician trade was initially land based, a significant amount began to take show by sea2 testified by the wealth of tyre that, along with Byblos, Sidon, Arados and Simyra, were the main home-based Phoenician sea ports. Initially, Phoenician sea trade was mainly with the Greeks involving glass, slaves and Tyrian purple dye made from a sea shell called Murex and textiles coloured with practically(prenominal) dyes formed one of the main Phoenician exports. Most of the major Mediterranean countries were involved in trade with the Phoenicians that included such(prenominal)(prenominal) commodities as cotton, timber, wool, precious stones, embroidery, wine, corn and various other foodstuff including spices whereas countries as far away as Spain traded metals such as tin, iron and lead.3The Importance of TradeTrade and resolution before centred on bartering indigenous timbe r as well as fishing skills, the latter of which is thought to micturate provided the competence for later seafaring abilities.4 The far reaching sea trade of the Phoenicians took two forms with existing Phoenician colonies and countries in navig subject reach. The colonies provided a means by which the home country could be assured of supplies of neats deemed inbred. In this respect, Cyprus became a colony to ensure the supply of wood and copper, Sardinia and Spain for useful metals. In return for such goods, Phoenicia supplied such finished items as cotton and linen, pottery, ornaments, weapons, and glass. It was not, however, just with the Mediterranean that trade occurred but also with the Propontis and ports within the forbidding Sea.5 The restraint of Phoenicians in seafaring has not gone without criticism however as early reports of such supremacy in Homers Odyssey, and also by Herodotus, has been viewed by some modern commentators as erroneous.6 The extent of Phoenicia n preeminence in this respect seems to have been settled by Basss underwater excavations of the Cape Gelidonya wreck that highlights the extent of Phoenician trade.7 The archaeological evidence from this excavation seems therefore to keep back the authorisation of Phoenician seafaring from 1200 B.C. onwards. The recent discovery of two exceptionally large Phoenician merchant ships adds further substance to this view.8It is probable that the Phoenician maritime empire was preceded by trade with various outposts passim the Mediterranean or otherwise began as safe anchorage points along the coast.9 It was only later that these places became colonies set up to protect Phoenician spare-time activitys that required ships of war which, unlike merchant vessels were employed all year round,10 to protect both colonies and trade passages. The Phoenician character of many another(prenominal) of these ports was lost due to the rise up and dominance of other powers such as the Greeks and R omans that has masked the extent of Phoenician ascertain. Importantly, trade by sea was connect to specialist product areas that otherwise would not have come together that allowed the Phoenicians to establish a graze of exchange to their payoff.11 Transportation of various metals available in the western Mediterranean by sea, such as Spanish silver, thus allowed the Phoenicians to link the demand in the due east, from countries like Assyria etc., to the raw material centres of the west. The Phoenicians also took advantage of turning the raw materials transported from the west into quality great goods to be later exported. These products, because they tended to be to a greater extent slender and better quality than what most other countries could supply, were therefore much sought after and such goods have been found in western ports such as Carthage.12 Moreover, the direct sea route through the Mediterranean provided the best means of direct and efficient transport of materi als and products and the extent of this trade along the Mediterranean is corroborate by the feature that Phoenician coins came to be manufactured in tyre from the fifth century B.C. onwards.13The termination of Phoenician Trade LinksIt is thought that the growth in Assyrian power and pressure on the coastal cities first led the Phoenicians to turn to seafaring.14 In this respect, Assyrian power is thought to have blocked access to resources to the east to the extent that the Phoenicians were obliged to turn west towards the Mediterranean for raw materials.15 Others, however, contend that it was the growth in Assyrian wealth and power that stimulated Phoenician interest in Mediterranean seafaring because of the increased demands for products.16 This could have as well as been hastened by the economical growth and increased demand of Tyre and other Phoenician ports for raw materials. It is likely, however, that quite an than one factor there was a set of interrelated flatts in volving political, historical, economic criteria that led to the Pheonician exploitation of the Mediterranean. Indeed, Tyre and associated ports were ideally determine to act as a conduit through which the products and resources of the Mediterranean and countries to the east could be exchanged.17 Moreover, a massive investment in time and resources would have been required to mount expeditions throughout the Mediterranean by sea that suggests Tyre was economically and politically secure.The exploits of the Phoenicians in the Mediterranean should not be viewed as geographic expedition as most of the main sea routes had been charted during the Bronze Age. Rather the Phoenicians were able to use and improve their maritime skills to become the dominant force in the Mediterranean for six hundred years. Yet, there are reports that they ventured much further afield which suggest exploration was part of a general outlook. For example, Herodotus reports that they sailed down the Red Sea to circumnavigate Africa returning via the Straits of Gibraltar.18 Some even propose that they may have voyaged as far as southern Britain to acquire Cornish tin but this was probably based on substantiating rather than direct trade.19 In this respect, reports of a tin ingot discovered in a Cornish harbour similar to those of ancient Crete remain controversial.20 The Veneti of Brittany may also have actually been Phoenicians who controlled the trade route to Britain and were thought to be adept seafarers.The control of trade routes seems to have been a characteristic of Phoenician dominance in that this allowed more exclusive access to resources around and outside the Mediterranean that helped to reinforce Phoenician power. The interest in regions outside the Mediterranean is fill-ined by the notion that some coastal ports such as the present Portuguese port cognize as Peniche is claimed to derive from the Greek for Phoenicia.21 Moreover, there are many Phoenician remains to be fo und along the Portuguese coast.22 Such exploits beyond the Mediterranean may have partially been encouraged by the fact that the Greeks had prevented Carthage from gaining access to the home ports.23 Indeed, it may have been the rise in Greek power that led to Carthage becoming such an important city port for the Phoenicians in the central Mediterranean and could have been a factor leading, in the 8th century B.C., to Carthage succeeding Tyre as the main Phoenician city. There is also some evidence that the Phoenicians may have even reached some of the Atlantic islands such as the Azores and Canaries.24 Ultimately, it was the rise in Greek power in the east, the prohibition of the Atlantic in the west and the rise of Rome that bought an end to Phoenician power.25 In sum, the Phoenician limit along the Mediterranean coastline appears to be both a consequence of great initiative and impressive seafaring skills that was instigated by the promise of trade and pressures from the rise i n other Mediterranean powers to the east.Types of BoatsThe initial attempts in seafaring by Phoenicians are thought to have been quite crude based on travel among islands by means of rafts followed by more sophisticated but still crude coast vessels inspired by the need to fish.26 The first boats seemed to have consisted of a keel, a rounded hull and a raised platform for the steersman with the oars intersecting the bulwark.27 This formed a template for a subsequent craftsmanship where four upright rowers operated curved oars in a boat that lacked a rudder with a mast held aloft by two ropes secured at the front and rear of the vessel. The mast, however, seems not to have been utilise for a sail, but to financing a aftermath structure from which an archer or other attacker was able to launch missiles. From this, a larger vessel evolved with a low bow and raised stern with a rudder with a pointed stem turn and oars on each side of about fifteen to twenty in number that the Gre eks referred to as triaconters and penteconters that are represented on coins but were shown without a mast so must have been a type of refined rowing boat. Around 700 B.C. further advances occurred in ship construction in that, instead of beingness situated on one take aim, rowers were now placed on two levels thus doubling the number of oarsmen. These vessels were known as biremes by the Greeks and incorporated two steering oars issuing from the stern some with a mast and yardarm to support a sail that came in two forms one designed for war, the long ship, and another, with a more rounded prow utilise for the purpose of trade.28 Inspired by the Greek example, the Phoenicians also went on to groom their own version of the trireme with three levels of rowers.29 The size of these vessels can be gauged by the fact that the top level consisted of 31 rowers.30 The Phoenicians have also been credited with inventing both the keel and ram as well as the caulking of planks with bitumen though some believe that the ram or beaked prow is said to have been follow by the Phoenicians from the Mycenaeans It was the use of an adjustable sail, more oarsmen and a double steering oar that led to increased fixity and manoeuvrability allowing the furthest points of the Mediterranean to be reached and it was the round-shaped merchant ships called gaulos that was mainly relied on in this respect.31 Such innovations to ship construction illustrate the commitment of the Phoenicians to seafaring and their seafaring skills were so renowned throughout the ancient world that Phoenician ships and sailors were often co-opted into foreign war fleets.32NavigationThe Phoenicians are thought to have invented the art of navigation. They used oars when there was little or no wind and large square sails at other times. Although they patently practiced coastal navigation, the distribution of ports indicates that more long distance open sea voyages were also undertaken.33 The fact that the Phoenicians had important centres at Sardinia, Sicily and Ibiza suggests that they often sailed the high seas. This would have involved extended periods at sea essential for the effective transportation of goods. They would probably, however, have employed short coastal journeys to travel from one port to the conterminous but relied on deep sea navigation for longer voyages34 and in places like the Aegean, with the many islands and breakneck currents, oars would have been used rather than sails. It is thought that the Phoenicians were also able to sail at night and used the Pole star and knowledge of astronomy for navigation. This knowledge along with the fact that, given favourable viewing conditions, land is nearly always visible anywhere in the Mediterranean -allowed the Phoenicians to use their seafaring skills to good effect.ConclusionThe Phoenicians obviously depended on seafaring skills in order to extend trade links and their influence throughout the Mediterranean and be yond. This seems to have gone hand in hand with a need to excogitate more sea worthy vessels and navigational abilities to venture further into the open seas. Evidence from historical documents, such as found in Herodotus and others, indicate the extent of Phoenician maritime skills that evolved in tandem with the posterior of ever distant colonies and trading outposts. These skills seem to have been further encouraged by the advantages that came from the home ports being located where raw material from the west, which were in demand by countries in the Levant, could be traded for finished products. The Phoenicians were able to exploit this further by producing high quality manufactured goods that were exported to all areas thus increasing their economic power and wealth that allowed more sophisticated ships to be built for longer voyages. This tendency is reflected in the liberalist growth in Phoenician influence and colonisation from east to west from about 12,000 B.C. onwards. Trade went first, however, with colonisation following when the opportunity arose. Ultimately, however, Phoenician influence may have declined in the Mediterranean due to an over-reliance on seafaring that was unable to compete with more land based powers. In other words, their greatest vividness eventually became their greatest weakness.BibliographyAubert, M. E. (2001) The Phoenicians and the West Politics, Colonies and Trade. Cambridge University insistence Cambridge.Boardman, J. Edwards, I. E. S., Hammond N. G. L. 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Hedges Oxford.1Footnotes1 Holst, 20052 See, for example, Judgement of Ezekiel 26-1 Judgement on Tyre in Greenberg, 19973 Perrot and Chipiez, 18934 Culican, 19915 Tilley 2004 p. 766 Tilley, 2004 p. 777 Bass, 19728 Tilley, 2004 p. 789 Harden, 1962 p. 158.10 Moscati and Grassi, 2001 p.85.11 Harrison 1988 p. 4212 See, for example, Boucher-Colozier, 195313 Hill, 191014 Frankenstein, 197915 Aubert, 2001 p. 7016 Culican 1991 p. 48617 Harrison, 198818 see de Slincourt, 195919 Harden, 1962 p. 17120 Hencken, 1932.21 Guthrie, 1970 p. 10322 Tilley, 2004 p. 8023 Harden, 1962 p.17124 See, for example, Diodorus Siculus 1935 v. 20 Harden, 194825 Boardman et al. 1991 p. xvi.26 Rawlinson, 2004 p. 122.27 Ibid.28 Perrot and Chipiez, 1893 p. 3429 Basch, 196930 Casson, 1971 p. 9531 Barnett, 195832 Grayson,1991 p. 22033 Aubert, 2001 p. 16734 Moscati and Grassi (2001) p. 84